A HISTORICAL AND RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL AND LITERARY TEXTS IN THE ENGLISH 1830 ' S AND 1840 ' S

This article focuses on two majar political events ofthe first half ofthe 19th centyry, namely: The Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834 and the Chartist Movement (starting 1838). The aim of this research is to examine the hidden or less obvious messages that can be traced through these apparently self-explanatory texts. Thus, the first part of the article concentrares on the analysis of three texts, ea eh rejlecting a different stage in the elaboration of the final Poor Law Act of 1834. From the study of these extracts the "vested interests "ofthe classes in power at the time beco me more apparent. In the second half of the article, the same type of analysis is applied to Chartist Poetry, with the subsequent discovery of underlying política[ messages of hope and fu tu re victory directed to the working class readers. We are living in the age of marketing and propaganda. Our normal, purely sensorial perception of the world is being mediated and distorted by a continuous * CORNUT-GENTILLE D'ARCY, Chantal; COLLADO RODRIGUEZ, Francisco: Ores. en Filología Inglesa. Departamento de Filología Inglesa y Alemana, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Zaragoza, 50009 Zaragoza. Recibido ell0-12-89. F. COLLADO & C. CORNUT GENTILLE D'ARCY flux of images and linguistic messages which attempt to partially modify our worldviews and therefore our necessities: new ones are created by the media and the result, as everybody knows, is the consumer'ssociety.However,ifwelook back in time, it is possible to perceive unsophisticated inklings of what was to develop into the present overwhelming power of the media. Somehow, the examples which constitute the basis of this paper are a clear proof of the nominalistic power oflanguage (such a "big issue .. for the contemporary critical inheritors ofModernist theories1): the aim we investigate is political and should not ha ve anything in common with the processes operating in our consumer's society, however the evidence presented in these pages and the rhetorical analysis which follows will perhaps show the reader that the manipulating techniques the upper classes and the lower classes of the 19th century applied on language to fulfil their aim are not very different from the ones used to sell any consumerist product. This article is comprised of two parts. The first essay will be dedicated to examining the threefold process of .. seiiing a product .. (the 1834 Poor Law) to the masses. Although this famous Poor Law Amendment Act was, as we shall see~ conceived and outlined for the benefit of the middle classes, it did not satisfy the lower classesinthe leastandthe latter·sreactionwasmanifested, not onlyin the historically famous mass-meetings, but also by means of language. In the 183o·s Chartism appeared as a mass movement to counteract the Governmenfs one-sided policy and defend the working classes • rights. Once again, written messages -now in literary form rather than in legal jargonappeared to distort perceptual reality and "sen·~ a horrifying worldview to their readers. The examples offered in one and another part of this article, although few in number, are representative of the class struggle which lasted several decades along the 19th century, a struggle in which language was the most powerful tool used on either side.

ABSTRACT.-Thisarticle focuses on two majar political events ofthe first half ofthe 19th centyry, namely: The Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834 and the Chartist Movement (starting  1838).
The aim of this research is to examine the hidden or less obvious messages that can be traced through these apparently self-explanatory texts.
Thus, the first part of the article concentrares on the analysis of three texts, ea eh rejlecting a different stage in the elaboration of the final Poor Law Act of 1834.From the study of these extracts the "vested interests "ofthe classes in power at the time beco me more apparent.
In the second half of the article, the same type of analysis is applied to Chartist Poetry, with the subsequent discovery of underlying política[ messages of hope and fu tu re victory directed to the working class readers.
flux of images and linguistic messages which attempt to partially modify our worldviews and therefore our necessities: new ones are created by the media and the result, as everybody knows, is the consumer'ssociety.However,ifwelook back in time, it is possible to perceive unsophisticated inklings of what was to develop into the present overwhelming power of the media.Somehow, the examples which constitute the basis of this paper are a clear proof of the nominalistic power oflanguage (such a "big issue .. for the contemporary critical inheritors ofModernist theories 1 ): the aim we investigate is political and should not ha ve anything in common with the processes operating in our consumer's society, however the evidence presented in these pages and the rhetorical analysis which follows 2 will perhaps show the reader that the manipulating techniques the upper classes and the lower classes of the 19th century applied on language to fulfil their aim are not very different from the ones used to sell any consumerist product.
This article is comprised of two parts.The first essay will be dedicated to examining the threefold process of .. seiiing a product .. (the 1834 Poor Law) to the masses.Although this famous Poor Law Amendment Act was, as we shall see~ conceived and outlined for the benefit of the middle classes, it did not satisfy the lower classesinthe leastandthe latter•sreactionwasmanifested, not onlyin the historically famous mass-meetings, but also by means of language.In the 183o•s Chartism appeared as a mass movement to counteract the Governmenfs one-sided policy and defend the working classes • rights.Once again, written messages -now in literary form rather than in legal jargon-appeared to distort perceptual reality and "sen•~ a horrifying worldview to their readers.The examples offered in one and another part of this article, although few in number, are representative of the class struggle which lasted several decades along the 19th century, a struggle in which language was the most powerful tool used on either side.

MANIPULATING TECHNIQUES AND SPECIFIC AIMS IN THREE DIFFE-
RENT STAGES OF THE 1834 POOR LA W.
Most people are so accustomed to endow "The Law .. with a mysterious or almost supernatural power, that they neglect to measure the true limits of its authority and to ascertain the mode of its creation and operation.
With the passing of the Refonn Act in 1832 began the reign of liberalism; and the utilitarianism of common sense acquired, at least in appearance, despotic power.It determined man•s way of looking at by far the most pressing social problem of the day.The years from 1832 to 1848 were among the most critical in the history of England.The time was out of joint.The misery and discontent of city artisans and village labourers was past dispute.The revolutionary 1834 Poor Law was designed to remo ve ata stroke the wretchedness and pauperism created by the old poor law.But the ••cure .. contained in the new poor law, with its drastic severity, its curtailment of outdoor relief, and its detested bastilles, in fact provoked intense popular resentment (see second part of this essay).
Considering that Govennent detennined to take the matter into hands, it may be argued that the conditions just referred to appear insufficient to account for the widespread discontent of the years 1834 to 1848.Such a doubt may be lessened by the following reflection: the beneficia!effects of legislation are direct and, so to speak, visible -easily noticeable, while the evil effects are indirect, and lie out of sight.
In order to appreciate the combined effects of law and authority with reference to this particular question of poor relief, we must bear in mind that laws and institutions have not always been altered or revolutionized as a result of public opinion but, on the contrary, legislative refonn has often been guided sol el y by the convictions and for interests of small numbers of men who happened to be placed in a position of authority.
The purpose of this first survey is therefore to analyze, as a sample of manipulation techniques one of the main points of the 1834 Poor Law.The three ••stages .. of language will not only reveal who held the reins of power at that precise historical moment but also how and why these controlling instances actively wished to promote either a misunderstanding or a particular understanding of the text.
A clear example of the first level of language could be the following passage from the Poor Law Amendment Act as it carne out in published fonn: And whereas a practice has obtained of giving relief to persons or their families who,at the time of applying for orreceivingsuch relief, were wholly orpartially in the employment of individuals, and the relief of the able-bodied and their families is in many places administered in modes productive of evils in other respects: and whereas difficulty may arise in case any inmediate and universal remedy is attempted to be applied in the matters aforesaid; be it further enacted, that from and after the passing of the act it shall be lawful for the said commissioners, by such rules, orders or regulations as they may think fit to declare to what extent and for what period the relief to be given to able-bodied persons in any particular parish or union may be administered out of the workhouse of such parish or union ... and all relief that shall be gi ven by any overseer, guardian or other person having the control or distribution of the funds of such parish or union, contrary to such orders or regulations, shall be, and the same is hereby declared to be unlawful, and shall be disallowed in the accounts ofthe persons giving the same, subject to the exceptions hereinafter mentioned 3 • In his work The Prince , Machiavelli supposed his statesman a villain and then taught him how to fulfill his purposes!This could well have been one of the suggestions forwarded: obscure language -obscure language as a means of wielding power.
As early as 1787, a powerful thinker, Jeremy Bentham had already made perfectly plain his critica} opinion about the fact that: the more complex the law, the greater the number of those who could not understand it4 , which leads to the following question: who could this benefit?
Looking back o ver the years, it must be granted that in matters of legislation m en ha ve been and are guided by their real or apparent interests.This is so true, that from a look at the laws of a country it is often possible to find out, and this without much hesitation, what is the class which holds, or has held, predominant power ata given time.One only has to glance at the laws and institutions of the Middle Ages to see that power at the time went with ownership of the land.Who could loo k at the English land law and not perceive that political authority was held for years by large landowners?Likewise, the growing number of trade laws in the 18th century point to the increasing influence of merchants or the free-trade legislation of 1846 and the succeeding years tell us that political authority had come into the hands of manufacturers and traders.These are only a few examples but they go to show, as has already been mentioned, the obvious connection between legislation and the supposed interests of the legislators.
It seems that obscure and unintelligible laws could be a safeguard for two different types of interests.First a political one and secondly an economic one.A concrete example from history will serve as an adequate illustration of the first possibility: for instance, when the French Revolution broke out, the reaction in Great Britain was by no means unanimous.Sorne cheered and sorne trembled.The famous controversy that arose between Edmund Burke and Thomas Paine sums up more or less the general feeling in the Nation.Thomas Paine, among other writers, thinkers or intellectuals, welcomed the storming of the Bastille as a fresh departure from the encumberance and throttling effect of centuries of prejudice and custom.In defence of the Declaration of the Rights of Man, he stated: .. the more simple anything is the less liable it is to be disordered, and the easier repaired when disordered .. 5 • In other words, he advocated that constitutionallaw should be clear, simple and accessible to every individual•s common sense.On the other hand, Edmund Burke in his Reflections on the French Revolution put forward the theory that a time-worn constitution like the English one was an advantage to the nation because it embodied years and years of gradual elaboration, discussion, re-balancing and reparation.In his opinion, the mere fact that so many English laws had been mantained over the centuries went in favour of these laws and consequently, the resulting complexity of the English constitution, gave it splendour and authority.Most important of all, he believed that an in tri cate and elaborate constitutional machine could be amended but never completely wiped out because no one could be so absolutely sure of understanding the whole as to declare it -simply -wrong.This is why Burke was terrified of the sudden and systematic simplicity, clarity and transparency of the new French constitution.
Unfortunately, when the news of the massacres in France reached England, the country was shaken from top to bottom.Everyone suddenly dreaded sorne wild outbreak of the uneducated masses that would overthrow the long-standing established order.So the events in Fmnce not only helped to consolidate the inJ1uence of Edmund Burke •s conserva ti ve warnings but they also reinforced the traditional upper classes• hold on power.In other words, Parliament, or all the members of Parliament shut their ears to any kind of reform and held on tight to their power and position.lt was easier to rule o ver an ignorant population.Clarity of language was too dangerous, for people could then think and form opinions.Obviously, it was not then that any revolutionary change was to take place in the making or fashioning of the laws.This latent fear of the French example spreading to Great Britain was to affect law making for many decades in the 19th century.
As mentioned before, there also existed a second type of interest: the economic one.Goverment, it has just been explained, clutched on to power for poli ti cal reasons, or rather, for an apparent interest -that of political stability; but they had active allies in the members of what could be called the Lawyers• tribe.Lawyers were more likely than most people to be totally .. in love .. with the alleged excellences of the English Constitution for it was to their advantage that the English system oflaw should be preserved intact.The confusions and complexities of the common law meant money to them.Even the simplest case required their expert advise, since there was no way of knowing what anything meant without consulting them.The lawyers were aided in their exploitation of the public by their fellow professionals, the judges and the solicitors, who also profited financially from the elaborate and puzzling language of laws.ThisrecallsCharlesDicken•sbitter attacksonthe .. profession .. in Bleak House or Little Dorrit.
Coming back to the Poor Law and, more concretely, to the second stage of its creation, it could be stated that before the actual elaboration of the law, two important steps were taken, each of which produced in turn, a certain .. level .. of language.First, the realization of the newly formed parliament of 1832 that something really had to be done to counteract the huge in crease in the poor rates.By law, paupers, or people out of work were entitled to receive sorne kind of indemnification from the state.The money necessary to pay this poor relief was levied as a parish tax called the poor rate.But as time went by, it was coming to the point when the working population was being so heavily taxed that they were, in fact, becoming paupers themselves for most of their earnings were taken from them to support the growing number of paupers.In other words, the whole process was becoming a kind of vicious circle.Therefore a comission was set up to inquire into the workings of the poor law and it then had to give account of its conclusions to parliament.Logically, at the hour of presenting theiT conclusions, the commisioners already had in mind what measures would, in their opinion, be necessary to curtail the growth of pauperism.In other words, their job was to convert parliament to the measures they proposed.This is probably why so much of the report was dedicated to describing the abuses of the system (pages and pages of the report are filled with hair-raising instances of corruption, violence and vice on the part of both paupers and administrators of relief).The method is clear.First, the audience is won over by carefully chosen examples and then the remedial measures are outlined in simple, clear and forcefullanguage as the most logical way out of the problem.This tactic is still well-known and common today.It is usually termed Demagogy.Tne foiiowing passage is the exact paragraph in the Oft1cial Report which corresponds to the first quote of this survey.That is, these are the words which were then .. translated .. into legallanguage: The chief specific measures which we recommend are that all relief whatever to able-bodied persons or to their families, otherwise than in well-regulated workhouses shall be declared unlawful, and shall cease in manner and at periods hereafter specified6 • The commissioners were so convinced that they had the clue to the problem that the language they used implied that every opponent of the proposals was either a fool or a rogue who deliberately preferred his own private advantage to the general benefit of the nation.This is obviously a device or even a weapon very much used even today in electoral campaigns, but it could also be seen from another angle.It seems that men easily come to believe that whatever suits them will automatically be beneficia!to others.In other words, a man•s personal interest gives a bias to his judgement and, by extension, a party•s interest gives a bias to its judgement.A concrete example of this occurence could be the famous Com Laws: English manufacturers were sincere believers in protection as long as they thought it beneficia} to trade, and became equally sincere enthusiasts for freedom of trade from the moment they were convinced that free trade in com would be favourable to commerce and would give additional weight to the manufactoring interest.A more recent example is the complete reversal of attitude ofFelipe González•s party with regard to Spain•s entry in N.A.T.O.
This leads on to our third point or stage.The Poor Law Amendment Act was one of the ma jor undertakings of the newly elected 1832 Parliament.It was the first time that members of the pushing middle class had got seats as Members ofParliament.This new sector in Parliament immediately set to and directed their newly acquired power and fresh energies to tackling social problems of importance.With the population boom of the first decades of the 19th century the pauper problem was reaching its peak.The poor rates were gradually becoming heavier and heavier 7 , but, since the population kept multiplying to the point of starvation, the poor rates in question never seemed to cover the demand.And who, one might ask, was paying for all this?Not the aristocracy or the great landowners, but the wage earning population -the people who worked for a living-above all, the Middle Classes.This is where the class bias mentioned before enters again, for the measures prescribed were directed to relieving the Middle Classes of their burden, and not to making life more comfortable for the hungry lower classes.However, the latent fear of the French Revolution was still in the air.Something had to be done to persuade the population at large that the coming reform of the poor laws was going to benefit everyone, especially those who could see the logic of its principies.So the Government enrolled the help of a famous young writer, Harriet Martineau, and asked her to vulgarize the main points of the poor law in such a way asto convince those who were going to suffer it that, in fact, it was going to be for their own good.Sponsored by the Government, this writer wrote out several short didactic stories which showed how the existing abuses undermined the energies and good will ofboth those who paid for the poor rates and those who received them.In other words, her job amounted to advertising the coming law and presenting itas the .. long awaited for", final solution to existing problems.But obviously, if her writings were to reach a wide public, the principies had to be presented in diluted form and the ideas transmitted in simple and clear language.The following passage is taken from the tale The Hamlets, and yet again, the subject matter corresponds exactly to the two quotes analysed earlier on in this survey: Mr. Barry, the new overseer, is determined to reduce expenditure and pauperism in the district.He is now attending to the paupers who are queueing up for their weekly pay from the parish poor rates.A pauper comes with a certifica te from his employer where the sum eamed for the week is stipulated, 7 Relief in money covered the practice most usually employed in the different districts in the country.The commissioners distinguished five varying systems whereby sums of money were granted to able-bodied paupers: Reliefwithout Money: This practice was so common that it acquired the technical name of "Relief in lieu of labour".The plan entailed the donation of a few pence or shillings for the pauper 's support-the only condition being that the recipient should then shift for himself and give the parish no further trouble.
The Allowance System: "Allowance" is confusing since it refers to various kinds of assistance: either it meant relieving occasional wants (fue!, money, blankets, food) or it could take the form of a weekly sum.Sometimes the su m was determined according to the number of children, or according to the price of bread (the famous Speenhamland System).
The Roundsman System: Also called the House Row, Billet, Ticket or Stem system.This was a contract between overseers and employers of the parish.The parish sold the employers the labour of a pauper al a certain (low) price.The difference between what the pauper earned and the mínimum income established by the Speenhamland sea! es was then paid out of the parish funds.The Billet orTicket system: these names come from the note of assignment given to the pauper by the overseer which the pauper then had lo return duly signed by the person who had employed him.
Parish Employment: When there was no way of employing the paupers in any other way, the parish found odd jobs for the paupers on the roads or in grave!pits (this was expensive because of the necessary supervision).
The Labour Rate: Each rate-payer had to employ and pay out of his own money a certain number of paupers.This was very unfair because workers were forced upon parishioners -not according to their need but according to their rating (this was especially hard on parsons who received the parish tithes and had to pay or "employ" in proportion).
Apart from these five different types of out-door relief, there also existed in-door relief.That is, relief given within the walls of a workhouse.This was the only form of relief permitted under the New Poor l..aw.Mr. Barry pointed out (to the assistant overseer next to him) that one of the advantages of the new plan was its freeing the administrators of parish affairs from all responsibility of inquiring into the circumstances of each applicant.If the applicant wanted relief, he knew he might get it in the workhouse8 •

_ .. Did farmer
The moral to be drawn from this passage is no more and no less than what is stated in the actual Poor Law Amendment Act and delineated in the Official Report.That is, that no help of any kind was to be given to the poor except in the workhouse.
The study ofthe three ••stages .. or levels oflanguage has therefore revealed three corresponding .. control instances of society .. for, it is interesting to notice that on the one and same point, the reader has passed from a cluster of muddled constitutional or legal terminology to the Report, that aimed at converting Parliament to the spirit of the law, to the popularization or vulgarization of the measures proposed.
Another point of interest that has emerged from the analysis is the fact that each of these .. stages .. was determined by a particular strategy: first, obscure language, the exclusive domain oflawyers and judges; secondly, demagogy which entails the use of clear language but carefully selected examples that will ultimately shock and convert the readers; and thirdly, propaganda or the over-simplification of facts and distortion of reality in order to present a carefully constructed and idealized world which will convince the public that life is not worth living without the product m question, the product being the long awaited-for Reform of the Poor Law.

LITERATURE AND PROPAGANDA: THE ANSWER OF CHARTIST POETRY
As has already been discussed in the first part of this essay, poli ti cal power and language manipulation were not elements on the si de of the working classes during the period leading up to the 1834 Poor Law.The topical and bourgeois predominance was soon, however, to be shattered by the rising of the popular movement which carne to be narned Chartism.It constituted an assault upon political power which was to combine the forces of large numbers of people aproxirnately from 1838 to 1850.
The Chartist Movement has been studied by rnany historians but not by rnany philologists.Chartist poetry is something practically unknown to many specialist of the period not to say to almost everybody.Despite its generallack of aesthetic values, Chartist poetry becomes quite a relevant instrurnent when considering the relationship between power and language.As shall be seen in the pages which follow propaganda also became a useful tool wielded by popular poets to counter-attack the manipulative use of legal and fictionallanguage on the part of the ruling classes.
Chartism carne to life with the publication of a Charter on May 8th 1838.This document, the Charter of the People, summarized the basic points for which a huge percentage of the working classes -under the common denomination of the ••People of Great Britain .. -were readv to fi2:ht.Thev were asklng for democratic ri!!hts such ., fo...l J ........
as universal suffrage and frequent elections.But they had to confront both the traditional landed power in the British Government and the political influence of the middle classes and, obviously, things were not going to be easy for them.For over twelve years the Chartist movement fought for the fundamental rights of the People; there were mornents when Queen Victoria•s Government actually believed that the country was on the brink of revolution.But things calmed clown definitel y after 18509 , once again the Govemment and the middle classes had won the battle; sorne dernocratic rights would be conquered la ter on by the people but by then Chartisrn was already a defeated movement.
The question at hand is, therefore, to highlight the social instruments that made possible such a huge movernent ofworkers so early in the 19th century.Apart frorn the obvious general discontent of the lower classes -markedly strong in certain periods-Chartism carne about, to a great extent, beca use of its leaders • insisten ce on the necessity of a Chartist Church and a Chartist School.Needless to say, a Chartist School also rneant Chartist education and the appearance of a popular literature, written for and quite often by the working classes.It did not take long for Chartist authors to produce various works of fiction and, meanwhile, a Chartist poetry was also created and published in such newspapers as The Chartist Circular, The Northern Star or, la ter, The Red Re publican and Notes to the People.In other words, members of the ••other nation .. , the poor one, became the writers of the people.
In the poli ti cal struggle between Chartism and the Government poetry became one of the most effective tools to exacerba te the spirits of the people.The ••power .. of poetry was recognised by sorne as a very efficient weapon in the battlefield of poli ti cs.This is rnade evident in the following article in which the writer discloses the potential of a poem to operate as a poli ti cal instrurnent: Poets and their poetry ha ve, and will continue to exert an extensive influence on the destinies of mankind.Armed with the most splendid intellectual powers, they ha ve made their opinions to tell on their own, and left them to influence oth er ages.From the hidden cell .. thoughts that breathe and words that hum" have passed, and startled mankind from their sleep of indifference, roused them into action, shaken the long-established foundation of things, revolutionized the feeble mind, and raised man, as a moral and intellectual being, to a loftier elevation 10 • Basically the message was an instigation for the working classes to rise massively in revolt.Consequently, poetry was established as an effective weapon to support the Chartist movement and ideology, and rhetoric became an all-important element in the description and distortion of British daily life: the manipulative language used by the lawyers and politicians of the upper classes was to be counterattacked also by language, and a new cosmovision was going to be offered to the readers of Chartist poetry.
In the one-sided portrayal of political reality which is presented in Chartist verse there are several elements worth mentioning 11 • Namely: 1-In many poems the common people are compared or metamorphosed into actual, real .. slaves", whereas businessmen, noblemen and the privileged classes in general become .. tyrants".The summons is all clear in Ernest Jones•s lines: Never fulfil A tyrant•s will Nor willingly live a slavel 12 The equivalence of the ruler as a tyrant -decidedly based on visible or acknowledged facts-sometimes experiences a more twisted distortion when the privileged are turned into ••entities" whose very presence -it seems-has always horrified and haunted the human mind.Such is the case in the following lines by Gerald Massey: Vampires ha ve lapped the human hearts best blood; Kings robbed, and Priests have cursed us in God•s name!Out in the midnight of the past we •ve stood, While fiends of darkness plied their hellish game 13 • The above passage illustrates how the initial tyrants have now been converted intovampires andfiends of darkness.In this way, the reader is made spectator to the creation of a whole gallery of monsters.These monsters are invariably portrayed as spending a substancial part of their time sucking the blood out of the poor English worker ( =slave ).
2-Religion is another very important factor to be considered .As mentioned previously, the Movement had its own Chartist Church and, as is the case in many human communities (not to say in all), Chartist members started to believe that God was, of course, .. on their side .. , because God is good andjust: The seats in heaven are for the just, And neither bought not sold: God is not bribed with granite-dust, As menare bribed with gold14 • According to the beliefs of many a follower of the Charter, God is good, so good that He cannot be made responsible for the deeds of the wicked privileged class: n.11 menare equat m n1s stgnt,-The bond, the free, the black, the white;-He made them all, them freedom gave -He made the man, -Man made the S lave!15 But there existed sorne disparity in the beliefs of those who made up the rank and file of Chartism.The more rational minds were not entirely satisfied with the benevolent figure of God in Heaven.To those level-headed people the Kingdom of God ought to belong here, on Earth, not up there in a promised Heaven.And in .. The People•s Anthem .. , Emest Jones does not mince his words when he affirms who God really is: Awake, ye slavish things!Beneath your Priests and Kings!Long curbed by lies!The altar• s but a sod The sceptre but a rod, A People is a god! O God, arise!16He re again, we find a clear metamorphosis of the introductory slavish things into God.In both cases the signified are obviously the people.The mutation has taken place in scarcely six lines.Another detail that may be pointed out is the fact that we ha ve gone from god, written in the lower case on line six, to God, written with the capital letter on line seven.
3-There is also an abundance of Chartist poems in which images help to establish a clear link between the people•s movement and Nature.
Influenced by the already dying Romanticism and playing with old images of manichean distortion the Chartist poets substituted signifieds and signifiers.In this way they tried to impose a new language order which would ultimately lead to a perception of reality different from the one their political enemies were also trying to force on the readers.It seems clear that both the power-wielding classes and the social strata undergoing subjection knew of the power of language and used it so as to reach their social and poli ti cal aims.However, whereas the upper classes fulfilled their wishes once the New Poor Law became a reality, the working classes should have to wait a few more decades before being granted the political and democratic rights so strongly demanded.
The upper classes' linguistic persuasive techniques had clearly been more effective over society at large than the lower classes' attempt to impose their own cosmovision by means of language.
Dove sign this? .. asks Mr. Barry.-.. y es, sir:• _ ..He might have saved himself the trouble .. observed Mr. Barry: .. it has nothing to do with our business.•• _ .. Lord bless me sir! what am 1 todo with nine shillings a week?.. _ .. That is for you to judge.If you cannot subsist, take this order for the workhouse.If not, make way for the people behind you.lf you want time to consider, you may apply again in an hour•s time.After that, the gates will be shut.••After this interchange of words, the ••story .. goes on: